I say "you" rather than "we" because from the start of the mega war on Iraq which has endured since the 1991 Desert Storm assault via Kuwait through troops being sent today against ISIS I have been persistently and often loudly been in opposition to the illegal invasion and intentional wholesale destruction of Iraq by US military forces and political cowardice of the neocons signatories of the "Project for The New American Century" cabal.
• Elliott Abrams
• Gary Bauer
• William J. Bennett
• John Ellis "Jeb" Bush
• Dick Cheney
• Eliot A. Cohen
• Midge Decter
• Paula Dobriansky
• Steve Forbes
• Aaron Friedberg
• Francis Fukuyama
• Frank Gaffney
• Fred C. Ikle
• Donald Kagan
• Zalmay Khalilzad
• I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby
• Norman Podhoretz
• J. Danforth Quayle
• Peter W. Rodman
• Stephen P. Rosen
• Henry S. Rowen
• Donald Rumsfeld
• Vin Weber
• George Weigel
• Paul Wolfowitz
All of these listed are psychopathic war criminals who will never be prosecuted for the 100,000+ Iraqis murdered and the thousands of Americans maimed and killed at the behest of these fools and tools.You who celebrated these maniacs and their pyscho quasi-religious vision of American world dominance with flag waving and rapt attention to the ghoulish green CNN oracles in willful patriotic ignorance are not much better. You may have been duped, but just like the civilian Germans before you, your salutes to the death machines are no less morally implicated. Will you ever learn?
Shine on good humor
Shine on good will
Shine on lousy leadership
Licensed to kill
Shine on dying soldiers
In patriotic pain
Shine on mass destruction
In some God's name!
- joni mitchell (Shine
Others including those directly connected in service to the G Bush Jr administration
1/4 Century of Hot and Cold War Against Iraq Has Produced Only Chaos
by Joshua Holland
While Americans tend to see their country's involvement in Iraq as two discrete conflicts - "Operation Desert Storm" in 1991, and the 2003 Iraq war -- most Iraqis view it as one protracted campaign.They have good reason. We've been waging hot and cold war on Iraq for almost a quarter of a century.
As American boots once again hit the ground in Baghdad -- and as the Obama administration mulls other "options" -- it's important to remember that after 24 years of military, political and economic intervention in Iraq's affairs we've caused a lot of death and hardship, but accomplished none of our stated goals. The region has never been less stable, there is still an abundance of innocent blood being shed, oil prices remain high and Iraqis enjoy neither democracy nor prosperity. Many suffer from a lack of basic public services like running water and electricity.
Saddam Hussein's government was a corrupt military dictatorship that brutally repressed dissent, but before the first Gulf War, Iraq was a functional country that had adequate public services and the security that allowed Iraqis to walk through their streets in relative safely.
US intelligence agencies were actively assisting Saddam Hussein in his conflict against Iran throughout the 1980s, and continued to do so as late as 1988. We knew who we were dealing with at the time. As Shane Harris and Matthew Aid reported for Foreign Policy last year, "The Iraqis used mustard gas and sarin [nerve agent] prior to four major offensives in early 1988 that relied on U.S. satellite imagery, maps, and other intelligence."
These attacks helped to tilt the war in Iraq's favor and bring Iran to the negotiating table, and they ensured that the Reagan administration's long-standing policy of securing an Iraqi victory would succeed. But they were also the last in a series of chemical strikes stretching back several years that the Reagan administration knew about and didn't disclose.
Following the Iran-Iraq war, Hussein's cruelty became a political liability, and Iraq's invasion of Kuwait triggered the first of two major US-led wars against the country.
Like the 2003 war, the 1991 conflict was sold to the American people based on a series of what later proved to be falsehoods.
And contrary to the belief of many Americans who were first introduced to Iraq with CNN's breathless coverage of "precision" bombings that supposedly minimized civilian casualties, the fighting was anything but clean.
The war began with a series of massive airstrikes in January of 1991, followed by a ground invasion in February.
As Seymour Hersh, who won a Pulitzer Prize for his reporting on the Mai Lai Massacre in Vietnam, wrote for The New Yorker in 2000:
The Iraqis offered only disorganized and ragged opposition to the American invasion, in February of 1991, and the much feared ground war quickly turned into a bloody rout, with many of the retreating Iraqi units, including the elite Republican Guard, being pounded by American aircraft, artillery, and tanks as they fled north in panic along a six-lane road from Kuwait City to Basra, the major military stronghold in southern Iraq. The road became littered with blackened tanks, trucks, and bodies; the news media called it the "highway of death."
While the "highway of death" gained international media attention, there were no reporters on another road out of Kuwait where a massive ground attack two days after the US had officially declared a ceasefire killed "not only Iraqi soldiers but civilians and children as well," according to Hersh. He added: "Many of the dead were buried soon after the engagement, and no accurate count of the victims could be made."
[The] offensive... was not so much a counterattack provoked by enemy fire as a systematic destruction of Iraqis who were generally fulfilling the requirements of the retreat; most of the Iraqi tanks travelled from the battlefield with their cannons reversed and secured, in a position known as travel-lock. According to these witnesses, the 24th [Infantry] faced little determined Iraqi resistance at any point during the war or its aftermath; they also said that [24th Infantry commander Barry] McCaffrey and other senior officers exaggerated the extent of Iraqi resistance throughout the war.
Hersh also reported allegations that Bradley Fighting Vehicles from the 24th Infantry had fired on more than 350 "captured and disarmed Iraqi soldiers, including Iraqi wounded who had been evacuated from a clearly marked hospital bus," and "it was not known how many of the Iraqis survived, if any."
There was similar destruction elsewhere. In a report to the UN Security Council following the withdrawal of US ground forces in 1991, then-Secretary General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar wrote that nothing his team "had seen or read quite prepared us for the particular form of devastation which has now befallen the country."
The recent conflict has wrought near-apocalyptic results upon the economic infrastructure of what had been, until January 1991, a rather highly urbanized and mechanized society. Now, most means of modern life support have been destroyed or rendered tenuous. Iraq has, for some time to come, been relegated to a pre-industrial age, but with all the disadvantages of post-industrial dependency on [modern technology].
Iraq would never fully recover, in large part due to crippling sanctions imposed by the UN at the request of the US and British.
For the first five years after the 1991 conflict ended, Iraq was barred from exporting oil - its lifeblood - and couldn't import food or life-saving medicines.
In 1995, The New York Times reported that "as many as 576,000 Iraqi children may have died since the end of the Persian Gulf war because of economic sanctions imposed by the Security Council, according to two scientists who surveyed the country for the Food and Agriculture Organization."
Researchers found that mortality rates for children under five had tripled during the war and its immediate aftermath. By , the rate had increased fivefold.
Deaths related to diarrheal diseases have tripled in an increasingly unhealthy environment... Water and sanitation systems have deteriorated, hospitals are functioning at 40 percent of capacity, food prices are high and many people are living on Government rations that provide only 1,000 calories a day.
A report by a coalition of human rights groups concluded, "Civilian suffering in Iraq is not an unexpected collateral effect, but a predictable result of the sanctions policy." In 1996, 60 Minutes host Leslie Stahl asked then-Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, "We have heard that a half-million children have died. That's more children than died in Hiroshima. Is the price worth it?" Albright responded, "I think this is a very hard choice, but the price -- we think the price is worth it."
And then there was the bombing. Lots of bombing. John Pilger reported for The Independent that "there is bombing almost every day: it is the longest Anglo-American aerial campaign since the Second World War; yet it is mostly ignored by the British and American media."